Sean
Nugent
Anthropology
346
The
Relations between Youth and the Neo-Pagan Sub-Culture in Los Angeles
A
few yards down from the intersection of Cahuenga and Hollwood, exists a small
shop that is painted in purple and nestled between a public parking place and a
Japanese restaurant. When I and others normally pass by its closed doors, the
powerful scent incense immediately enters our nostrils and irritates our eyes. Behind
the glass windows that stand on the opposite sides of the doorway and in front
of red and purple curtains are an assortment of unusual objects that acquire my
and other passerby’s attention. These included religious idols of polytheistic deities
that were once commonly worshipped in Europe, Africa, and Asia, broomsticks,
strangely shaped candles, and jars of herbs. Above the doorway is the name
“Panpipes,” a market that is commonly used by the Neo-Pagan sub-culture in
America.
This
prevalent sub-culture that exists has always intrigued me due to its attraction
of urban youth. Although Neo-pagan and Wiccan roots go back to the Neo-Druidism
and Esoteric movement in the 1800s, the tradition entered into resurgence in
the 1960s following the counter-culture movement and influenced by New Age, feminist,
and environmental philosophy that were growing in popularity at that time.
During this time, these movements started to spread and became more aware to
the public due to the increase of open pagan festivals and gatherings.
Neo-pagan’s
typically derive their values, which are mainly polytheism, animism, and magic,
from pre-Christian European societies, such as the Celts. For example, many of their
rituals are derived from Celtic seasonal festivals, such as Yule, Imbolc,
Ostara, Beltane, Midsummer, Lughnasadh, Mabon, and Samhain, which are
collectively refered to as the “Wheel of the Year” by Neo-Pagan groops, that
occur at particular days in which the season changes. However, the choice of
switch festivals to take part in, the theology, and the gods invoked differ
between groups. For instance, some covens can either focus on a certain
pantheon of gods or form a syncretic worldview that involves deities or spirits
from Egyptian, Norse, Semitic, Slavic, Native American, Greek, and West African
mythology. Other Neo-Pagan groups can also profess a other forms of worship
such as Neo-shamanism and Goddess-centered monotheism.
As
the Neo-pagan movement continued to spread, new varieties of this religion
begun to emerge, due to its unstructured nature, including Wicca, Neo-Druidism,
eco-paganism, Heathenry, Occult mysticism, and new syncretism movements. What
especially interested me in this topic is how and why people join or have such
a fascination with such a belief, particularly considering that such beliefs
have commonly been marginalized, misinterpreted, and even persecuted and
condemned in both in the present and past.
Another
thing about this movement that I had an interest in is how members who
prescribe to these beliefs build and construct their identity amongst this new
age of information and technology, which shape the material organizations of
cities, since they place a strong emphasis on nature and Earth worship.
Answering this question is important and relevant to ask since it may provide
information on how most, if not all, small and incohesive groups manage to
survive in this new information-based economy, which, as a hunch, they do by
relying on electronic media and the utilization of space, which they regard as
separate and more fruitful, in contrast to the hectic and sterile elements of
the city.
The main type of methods I employed while
visiting actual Neo-pagan sites, such as shops or marketplaces are structured
observations in the hopes of developing an understanding of how such
beliefs are represented and patterned and to gain an idea of who takes part in
such areas. After describing my observations I also included some conversations
with members of the Neo-pagan movement in order to help understand the opinions
and personal experiences of affiliates who make up this community and to answer
my question regarding how members construct their identity in this new
information based economy, especially considering that their beliefs are highly
earth-based. Finally, after going
over my data I compare my findings to literary sources from past academics who
have studied similar issues in order help attain a better understanding of
Neo-pagan history, belief, and demographics. I discovered after
comparing my data from the two sites that many of these places where Neo-Pagans
and Wiccans congregate are part of a network where members of certain covens
can gather and practice their beliefs free from prejudice or scorn. I also
discovered something quite unexpected while visiting the two sites I’d chosen such
as how both of the sites differed in terms of certain themes.
My
first site was site was the shop Panpipes Magickal Marketplace located in
Hollywood which I visited in March on a sunny afternoon. Even though the space
inside the building is relatively small, the inside is crowded with so many
intriguing occult objects my senses were immediately overburdened with all the
imagery that was present at the site. These objects includes shelves contain
numerous cylindrical candles that are made in a variety of two or three
different color patterns, baskets of healing gemstones, such as aquamarine,
lodestone, moonstone, citrine, and emerald, an apothecary filled with jars containing
herbs and bottles filled with oils that are used for magic rituals, and a shelf
holding numerous books that pertaining to mystical topics, such as alchemy,
Wicca, and the occult. Depictions of Death are also a common motif at Panpipes,
which are presented in the form of representations of the Grim Reaper, Santa
Muerte, and Baron Samedi.
My
initial interests at the site primarily concerned with the views and
demographics of the customers, as well as those of the individuals who owned or
worked there. While I was at the place for a good ten to fifteen minutes there
were only a few customers came through the front door besides me. Most of the
individuals who entered the store were mainly either in their teens and
twenties. Young visitors typically worn dark clothing and were part of some
aesthetic sub-culture. The two women who worked there also wore dark clothing
similar to those worn by members of the goth subculture. Striking up a
conversation with some of the customers was an expectedly difficult task,
especially ones that were Wiccan, and I tried my best not to seem intrusive.
This was somewhat anticipated as I learned before that many Neo-Pagan groups are
very secretive and not very open about their beliefs like other mainstream
religions according to a 1985 survey (York 1995). I also abstained from taking
photographs while inside the store. I did manage, however, to talk to one girl
who was browsing the numerous trays and baskets of spell stones told me she was
an artist and originally became interesting in Wicca in her mid-teens.
The
woman who worked behind the counter looked much older than most of the
customers. She is also one of the owners of the store. Last Halloween, she
presided over a Samhain ritual that I partially took part in an area behind the
store. This small and somewhat cramped space is hidden behind a wooden fence,
while the entrance is gated and locked. While there I noticed that the entrance
seemed more overgrown with plant-life and weeds than how I remembered six
months ago. These rituals normally involve certain prayers that invoke particular
spirits and members stand or sitting around a special altar. This ancestral
altar took the form of four human skulls arranged in a rectangular pattern with
one large skull in the middle. Half of one of these two large skulls was
painted red and this entire arraignment was circled by jars containing small
candles. Other elements that made up the altar include necklaces containing
beads and miniature plastic skulls between the larger ones. In the Samhain
ritual, the primary elements, besides Celtic themes, were of Haitian vodou,
which included an altar to the ancestors and a Guede altar. Guede are a
specific group of Loa, or vodou spirits, who represent death and fertility and
are known to be very fond of rum. Another object that is kept behind this
section of the property is an offering table, which during sacred rituals holds
food meant as gifts to the ancestors. I also learned that potlatch’s are also
held in this area, which follows these rituals, as well as communal feasting
and drinking. This blend between ancient Celtic, Creole, and Native American
belief systems mirrors many syncretic themes that are commonly found among
Neo-Pagan groups.
Instances of reciprocity,
such as the example of the offering table, were a common occurrence that I have
come across and experienced when both visiting Neo-Pagan and Wiccan sites and
researching the concepts of Wiccan morality. This heavy focus is rooted in the
belief that everything and everyone is interconnected and that actions of
universal reciprocity is a way of respecting the sacredness of life (Harwood
2007).
What
I found highly interesting is how these Neo-pagan market places doubled as a
gathering place for members of the Neo-pagan and Wiccan community. Unlike the
holy placed of other religious faiths, which are usually obvious and
distinctive when compared to the other buildings that surround it, this Wiccan
and Neo-Pagan gathering place in the city appear to be more hidden and less conspicuous.
The lack of external openness in the areas where Wiccan’s gather may have to do
to the perceptions of how society sees them. These perceptions of what society
sometimes assumes Wiccan’s believe are normally accurate. For example, another female
customer who seemed to be in her late 20s told me outside of Panpipes that they
feel their views are commonly misinterpreted by mainstream society. She also
mentioned something called “The Burning Times.” After asking her about it she
stated that it’s a reference to the many witch-hunts that occurred during the
early modern period of Europe. I also remembered that earlier in the same month
“the Burning Times” were also mentioned in a email I got from the Los Angeles
Area Pagans and Witches Network meet up group, which concerned keeping a
controversial pastor from Nigeria from visiting America, named Helen Ukpabio.
The
other site I attended was The Green Man Store in the middle of North Hollywood
on Lankershim Boulevard, which I visited in late March for their Eostre or
Ostara ritual. Ostara was a German pagan goddess who the Anglo-Saxons would
worship in a festival on the Spring Equinox. Both The Green Man Store and
Panpipes Magikal Marketplace shared similar elements, though they also differed
significantly in certain ways. Like Panpipes I noticed the scent of incense and
as assortment of herbs was also strong. The Green Man Store also sold very
similar items, included herbs, spell stones, books containing information on
New Age and Neo-Pagan beliefs, shelves containing idols of known gods and
spirits, and wreaths. As with Panpipes, I abstained from taking pictures in
order to avoid appearing intrusive. Those were worked there were also
predominately of Caucasian descent.
However,
in terms of particular color scheme and themes, The Green Man relied primarily on
earth tones and depictions of greenery and plant life in artwork and wall
paintings, rather than the dark representations of spirits and idols than
embody death at Panpipes. According to one of the middle aged female cashiers
who stood by the racks of herbs, the Green Man, whose face is commonly depicted
at the store in the form of drawings or sculptures that show a bearded man
surrounded by leaves, branches, or vines, is a scyncretic spirit who protects
the forest. The Green Man is also sometimes depicted as a horned god like the
Greek god Pan and is normally carved on churches, abbeys, cathedrals, and
fountains.
Another
thing I noticed while I was at The Green Man was that those who worked there
were much older than the two women who owned Panpipes. Their clothing was also
a lot more casual and less dark and mysterious. Two of the employees were also
men and unlike at Panpipes, most of the customers were middle-aged, however,
there were some young adults who I saw go into the back room where the ritual
was to take place. Additionally, rather Ostara ritual being led or guided
directed by the owners of The Green Man, like the Rituals were lead by the
owners of Panpipes, is was led by a separate group called the Inner Temple,
which was founded by a woman called Lady Oxannamoon, also known as Reverand
Angela, and provides lectures on concepts such as magick, dancing, spiritual
healing, spiritual readings, hypnotherapy, and faery seership. The ritual was
conducted in a room in the back of the building right after the store closed,
rather than in a gated area that was in the open.
I
couldn’t attend the Ostara ritual considering the fact that I was unfamiliar
with the processes that it involved, however, I did learn from one of the
members of Inner Temple, a tall guy with a beard and roughly in his early
forties, near the book shelves, after wondering where else do typically conduct
their rituals, that besides using many of these stores as a setting for such
festivals or rituals, Neo-pagans or Wiccans also sometimes gather outside the
urban city limits to a place that is more natural and free from the constraints
of the city, which is seen as more unproductive and stationary. For example, their
“Into the Green” 2011 event took place at a camp in Wheeler Springs, while
their 2012 event took place on a private residence in the hills of Chatsworth,
where members can get in touch of what they believe is the “spiritual aspects”
of the natural world and value the importance of diversity, not only in terms
of ethnic background but also in terms of creative ideas.
He also stated that many of
these meetings and rituals are planned through the internet and that many of
these separate groups are part of a web network which is used to maintain
communication between members when they are not gathered during certain
festivals and that almost all of the attendees know each other very well and
are part of a relationships that is almost like a family. The most common
website he and his group use to set up events is Meetup, in which they take
part in a group on this site called Los Angeles Area Pagans and Witches Network.
These websites allow one to create pages about local events that occur across
the Los Angeles area, to connect members of separate covens of different Neo-pagan
and Wiccan groups, and the ability share photos, opinions, ideas, cultural expressions
in the form of artwork, and information about gatherings between groups of
individuals simultaneously.
This influence of electronic
media on cultural expressions seems to greatly relate to Manuel Costell’s
concept of a “network society” where cities have become part of a global system
and are characterized by a “space
of flows,” which he defines as “the material organization of
timesharing social practices that work through flows,” which leads to
inequality in cities (Castells 2007). In order to cope with such inequalities,
marginalized groups, such as Wiccan’s and Neo-Pagans, begin to use social
media, such as the internet, in order to express personal experiences, as a
sort of resistance. This can be seen in Neo-Pagans use of the internet in order
to express their views of the divisiveness of the cities.
While
my observations may somewhat confirm Castells’ theories, I also believe that it
may refute many of the points made by sociologist Georg Simmel. Simmel
suggested that bombardment of urban imagery and interactions overpowers a
person’s senses, especially youth, which results in particular psychological traits,
such as a highly reserved personality, blasé outlook, an obsession with
perfection and promptness, a more calculating mind, and a view of uncaring
hardness of others, in order to protect their “inner intellect.” According to
Simmel, these traits are enforced by the money economy that commonly pervades the
urban environment renders people as nothing more than numbers and makes it seem
that differences between individuals are basically meaningless. However,
Neo-pagans and Wiccans seem to largely reject this stereotype of urban youth
and this soulless money economy by participating in ritual reciprocity, like at
Panpipes, and realize the importance of individual creativeness.
In
review of the data I gathered and examining this utilization of “hidden space,”
in conjunction with internet media, it appears that such gathering places for
worship were used as a place where like-minded individuals, especially urban
youth, can express their views and practice their beliefs separately from the
public. The data also uncovers how everyone in cities, including youth, do not hold
the same attitudes or psychological traits and that people in urban
environments have a play in decision-making and that people may very well have
other strong relationships with individuals than simply those who they sell or
buy products to. It also describes how such religious groups function or adapt,
by relying on media, in an urban environment and how they may see themselves to
the rest of society that may hold separate views that can be contrasted greatly
from their own, and how this view mirrors their use of property in the city or
outside it. However, I also believe that more observations are need, especially
at and during their rituals as they are going on, in order to provide clearer
information regarding how specifically these groups construct and express their
identity during their meetings. More interviews of members in the movement will
also be required in order to develop a clearer understanding of Neo-pagan
identity production and will be an important consideration for future research.
Bibliography
York,
Michael.
1995.
The Emerging Network: The Sociology of New Age and Neo-pagan
Movements.
Lanham: Rowman & Litterfield Publishers, Inc.
Castells,
Manuel.
2007.
An Introduction into the Inofrmation Age. 2(7):6-16
Scribd. 6 March 2012
Simmel,
Georg.
1903.
The Metropolis and Mental Life.
Csun Course Reserves. Pg: 47-60
Web. 7 March 2012
No comments:
Post a Comment